{"id":5350,"date":"2024-03-24T18:00:32","date_gmt":"2024-03-24T16:00:32","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/ch.jfdi.cc\/?p=5350"},"modified":"2024-03-24T18:00:32","modified_gmt":"2024-03-24T16:00:32","slug":"bane-of-cyprus-solution-too-much-power-in-one-man","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/ch.jfdi.cc\/?p=5350","title":{"rendered":"Bane of Cyprus solution: too much power in one man"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Leontios Ierodiakonou in his final instalment on the history of the Cyprus problem analyses the debacle of the Crans-Montana talks in 2017<\/p>\n

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In April 2015, Mustafa Akinci, well-known for his Cyprus-centre, pro-settlement positions, was elected Turkish Cypriot leader.
\nWith Nicos Anastasiades, whose stance on the Annan plan showed he had both the will and determination for a solution, in the Cyprus presidency hopes for a settlement of the Cyprus problem were given a big boost. In addition to the talks, the two leaders also made joint appearances on both sides, creating an unprecedentedly positive climate.
\nTo speed up the process, the two leaders had a meeting in the autumn of 2016 in Mont Pelerin and two months later (January 2017) at a conference in Geneva.
\nAccording to the UN secretary-general\u2019s report of September 28, 2017, there were convergences on a great many issues. The various aspects of the bizonal, bicommunal federations (BBF) with political equality had been discussed \u201cand, to a large degree, agreed on\u201d. Also, \u201cfor the first time in the history of the negotiations\u201d, there was an exchange \u201cof maps delineating internal administrative boundaries\u201d.
\nAlthough the report was written after the collapse of the Crans-Montana talks in the summer of 2017, it reflected the convergences from earlier in the year.
\nAt the Crans-Montana conference on June 30, 2017, the UNSG Antonio Guterres, presented his suggestions, known as the \u201cGuterres framework\u201d, which was positively received by both Anastasiades and the members of the negotiating team. Among other things, the framework, envisaged \u2013 for the first time \u2013 the abolition of the Treaty of Guarantee and the unilateral right of intervention.
\nAs for the foreign troops, it envisaged that \u201cthe timeframes for their withdrawal should be agreed at the end and in the presence of the prime ministers of the three guarantor powers.\u201d
\nIn November 2021, various UN documents were published in the Cypriot press regarding the Crans-Montana conference.
\nThe meeting at which the arguments and the general behaviour of the Greek Cypriot side at the Crans-Montana conference were illustrated \u2013 as clearly and comprehensively as was possible \u2013 is the one that the UN secretary-general had with our delegation on July 6, 2017 at 6:15 pm. At that meeting were Guterres with his special advisor Espen Barth Eide and other aides while the Greek Cypriot side was represented by Anastasiades, negotiator Andreas Mavroyiannis and Nikos Christodoulides.
\nConveying his conclusions from the meetings he had with the Turkish delegation, the UNSG stressed two things. a) The possibility of abolishing the Treaty of Guarantee and the unilateral right of intervention b) That at that time Turkey was unable to accept the full withdrawal of its troops and had left the door open for a more definitive settlement of the troop issue in the future.
\nAs soon as Anastasiades heard these words from Guterres he wanted it made clear what all this meant. The UNSG repeated that the Treaty of Guarantee can be terminated. Anastasiades immediately asked what would happen with the troops, while Guterres stressed that they were now discussing the guarantees and that the issue of troops could be resolved at a later date. He added that a mechanism to monitor the implementation of what had been agreed would be set. As soon as Anastasiades heard about a monitoring and implementation mechanism, he asked if Turkey would have a role in this mechanism. He stressed that he could not accept a role for Turkey in the mechanism. Eide \u2013 who had previously had consultations with the interested parties \u2013 had to intervene twice to remind the Anastasiades that he had already given his consent for Turkey\u2019s participation.
\nThe UNSG stressed that this (the ending of guarantees) was a big step and added: Turkey is also ready to reduce its troops. \u201cThe issue of troops has been resolved but it cannot be resolved right now.\u201d
\nIt is worth underlining here that the abolition of the Treaty of Guarantee and the unilateral right of intervention were officially raised for discussion for the first time on the initiative of the UNSG. Anastasiades, instead of thanking Guterres, out of politeness and expediency, for the importance attached to the abolition of the guarantee agreement, which was included in the Guterres framework, jumped to the second part of UNSG\u2019s statement that Turkey was not ready right then to accept the full withdrawal of all its troops. He asked what would happen with the troops, knowing full well that on that issue, there could be no agreed arrangement at that conference.
\nAlso, when Guterres referred to the establishment of the mechanism for monitoring and implementing the solution, instead of Anastasiades asking for an explanation of the role Turkey would have in that body, so that he would know what he was talking about, he started to give his own arbitrary interpretations.
\nHe predicted with certainty: \u201cTurkey has no real intention of terminating the guarantees and that it would replace this role with its presence in the solution monitoring mechanism.\u201d
\nLater, at the last dinner, he questioned whether the mechanism for overseeing the solution \u201cwas the Treaty of Guarantee with a different name\u201d. And yet \u2013 apart from the fact that he had already given his consent \u2013 the central and key role would belong to the United Nations, which would monitor the progress of the implementation of the solution on the ground and report to the Security Council. The participation of the guarantor powers in the was essentially as observer. They would not have executive powers.
\nIt would not be arbitrary to conclude from a brief summary of the above that Anastasiades was conveying a totally negative attitude together with an unwillingness to negotiate responsibly and seriously. He was constantly questioning the proposals, conclusions and even the intentions of the UNSG.
\nIn other words, without claiming that the other side was or would continue to be cooperative to the end in finding a compromise solution, it would not be excessive to say that Anastasiades\u2019 behaviour contributed to the collapse of the conference. And with all this, our own trustworthiness was further damaged, without any blame placed on the occupier\u2019s intransigence.
\nDuring the conference and after its collapse, very positive comments were heard from the members of the Greek Cypriot delegation about the role of Guterres. Moreover, immediately after the conference, our side adopted the political line of resuming the negotiations from the point where they were left in Crans-Montana. The interpretation that can be given to the above positions of all three protagonists (Anastasiades, Mavroyiannis, Christodoulides) at that conference was that both the Guterres Framework and the results of the work were considered positive. And this is where further paradoxical behaviour begins.
\nWhen on April 30, 2018, Akinci openly suggested that if the Greek Cypriot side accepted the Guterres Framework, then we should announce it as a \u201cstrategic agreement\u201d, the Greek Cypriot side did not respond. This behaviour can only be explained by the three protagonists and especially by Anastasiades who was in power.
\nCould this behaviour be considered conducive to a settlement?
\nClosing this series of articles, I believe that the main reason why we have made so many political mistakes in the handling of our national problem is because decisions have always been made by one person. The president of the day.
\nI hope the new president will take notice of this. Because the wording he used on March 5 \u2013 \u201cif a plan is presented that I don\u2019t like, then I will not present it to the people\u201d \u2013 is not the best position to take. Such terminology belongs to the absolute monarchs (who inherited their crown) of earlier times, not by presidents elected by popular vote. It would be much wiser to take such a serious decision collectively.<\/p>\n

Leontios Ierodiakonou is a former Disy deputy who also served as minister of communications in the Clerides government. He is author of books on the Cyprus problem, including Fatal Leadership (1948-2021): Makarios and his Continuers<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Leontios Ierodiakonou, in his analysis of the Cyprus problem, focuses on the Crans-Montana talks in 2017. Mustafa Akinci, elected Turkish Cypriot leader in April 2015, and Nicos Anastasiades, the Cyprus president, both showed a willingness for a settlement, leading to a positive climate and meetings in Mont Pelerin (2016) and Geneva (January 2017). The UN Secretary-General’s report from September 28, 2017, highlighted convergences on many issues, including the exchange of maps for the first time. The Crans-Montana conference on June 30, 2017, saw the introduction of the “Guterres framework,” which proposed the abolition of the Treaty of Guarantee and the unilateral right of intervention, and discussed the withdrawal of foreign troops. However, disagreements persisted, particularly regarding the role of Turkey in a future monitoring mechanism. Anastasiades’ behavior at the conference, questioning proposals and showing reluctance to negotiate, contributed to the talks’ collapse. Despite this, the Greek Cypriot side later expressed a willingness to resume negotiations from where they left off at Crans-Montana. Akinci’s proposal on April 30, 2018, for a “strategic agreement” based on the Guterres Framework was not responded to by the Greek Cypriot side. Ierodiakonou criticizes the decision-making process in Cyprus, suggesting a more collective approach to national issues.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":5351,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"Default","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[4],"tags":[3038,711,1031,1240,2542,1751,3248,3,413,2604,2853,672,2837,250,415,658,2841,2796,185,1394,1346,2257,1864,1791,882,193,1527,1004,1021,1267,827,2173,1827,1026,177,268,1161,414,1759,3249,1774],"class_list":["post-5350","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-cyprus","tag-agreement","tag-antonio-guterres","tag-christodoulides","tag-clear","tag-conference","tag-consultations","tag-crans-montana-talks","tag-cyprus","tag-cyprus-problem","tag-decision-making","tag-disagreements","tag-disy","tag-equality","tag-google","tag-government","tag-history","tag-introduction","tag-issues","tag-main","tag-man","tag-meeting","tag-meetings","tag-negotiations","tag-negotiator","tag-nicos-anastasiades","tag-nikos-christodoulides","tag-observer","tag-power","tag-presidency","tag-presidents","tag-security","tag-settlement","tag-statement","tag-talks","tag-turkey","tag-turkish-cypriot","tag-turkish-cypriot-leader","tag-un","tag-united-nations","tag-unsg-antonio-guterres","tag-vote"],"acf":{"keyphrase":"","keywords":"","sourceimg":"","country-category":""},"yoast_head":"\nBane of Cyprus solution: too much power in one man<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"negotiations. 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